In Part 1, we looked at what happened when twelve senators reorganized the Senate on June 3, 2026. In Part 2, we ask a different question: Did they actually have the legal authority to do it? The senators relied on a 1949 Supreme Court case called Avelino v. Cuenco, but does that case still apply under the 1987 Constitution? This post explains the controversy in plain language, examines a legal argument that many commentators missed, and explores why some believe the real battle was not about impeachment at all, but about control of a major corruption investigation. Beyond constitutional law, we also examine the issue through the lenses of political science, political economy, sociology, philosophy, comparative jurisprudence, and Reformed theology. Each lens helps answer a different question: How do political actors manipulate institutions? What incentives drive their decisions? How is public perception shaped? Does the precedent really fit the facts? And was the Senate being used for its proper purpose? By bringing these perspectives together, we gain a fuller picture of what may have happened on June 3 than constitutional law alone can provide. The complete scholarly paper is available for download at the end of this post. If the Constitution says one thing and politicians say another, who should we believe? And if the rules can be interpreted differently depending on who benefits, what does that mean for ordinary Filipinos?
The Hague Is Not The Way, Part 3: Sovereignty
The Philippines has its own Constitution, its own courts, and its own laws that cover exactly the kind of crimes being talked about in the Dela Rosa case. So why is a Filipino senator being taken to a court in the Hague Netherlands? This post breaks it down in plain language: what the Philippine Constitution actually says about outside courts having power over Filipino citizens, why the ICC was never supposed to be the first stop for justice, how the collapse of the Marcos and Duterte alliance changed the political picture entirely, and why the law most people think proves the ICC’s case actually does the opposite. No legal background needed. And if you want the full deep dive with complete legal citations and academic analysis, the FULL scholarly paper that is the basis for the entire seven part blogpost is available for download at the end of this post.
The Hague Is Not The Way, Part 2: The Legal Maze
Did the ICC even have the legal authority to issue a warrant against Bato Dela Rosa in the first place? The government moved to arrest him. The media called it justice. But that question, the most important legal question in this entire controversy is one that even some of the ICC’s own judges could not agree on. This post breaks down why, in plain language. We look at what the Rome Statute actually says about countries that leave the ICC, why the Philippines walking out in 2019 created a legal problem that goes all the way to the heart of who we are as a sovereign people, why there are three specific legal arguments that make the Dela Rosa warrant even more legally shaky than the Duterte case, and why the strongest argument in this whole debate is not about politics at all, it is about the sovereignty of our Constitution, the dignity of our courts, and the Filipino people’s own right to decide what justice looks like on their soil. The answer, this post argues, is not a court in the Hague. It never was. For the complete legal and multidisciplinary analysis, download the full scholarly paper linked at the end of this post
The Hague Is Not The Way, Part 1: The Case, the Court, and the Question Nobody Is Asking
The ICC issued an arrest warrant against Senator Ronald “Bato” Dela Rosa. Everyone has an opinion. Very few have a framework. Before we debate guilt or innocence, we need to ask the question nobody is asking: is the ICC even the right court? This series breaks down a 62-page scholarly paper into plain, accessible language that any reader can follow. For those who want the full academic treatment, the complete paper with all citations, legal analysis, and theoretical frameworks is available for free download at the end of each post. This is Part 1 of 7 of a multidisciplinary, cross-disciplinary, and normative transdisciplinary scholarly series examining the case through nine academic lenses integrated through a theological meta-framework. The answer may surprise you.
Pragmatism, Peace and the Presidency: Why VP Sara Duterete should resign
With GDP growth at a five-year low, OFW remittances threatened by the US-Iran conflict, and the Senate lurching through its second leadership change in months, the Philippines cannot afford its current political paralysis. The Philippines is bleeding economically while its leaders wage political war. In the article, I present the best pragmatic, strategic, and moral argument that Vice President Sara Duterte voluntarily resign. It is not an act of surrender, it is the shrewdest political move available to her. The 2028 path clears. And a nation desperate for statesmanship finally gets it. FULL paper can be downloaded at the end of the post.
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